A member of the New York Fire Department who was injured in the line of duty at the Twin Towers on 9/11 in 2001 has been honoured at a special ceremony in Tyrone.
Jim Sullivan from Brooklyn, who has recently discovered long lost cousins in Dungannon, was in Tyrone to receive an Aodh Ó Néil medallion from the Tyrone Hibernians in recognition of the eighteen members of the American Ancient Order of Hibernians who were killed at the World Trade Center on that fateful day.
The presentation was made at the Kinturk Cultural Centre near the shores of Lough Neagh a week after the successful Hibernian Day parade to the same location, which Mr Sullivan was unable to attend due to a prior engagement. The President of the Tyrone A.O.H. Gerry McGeough made the presentation, which was attended by other officers of the County Board.
Attired in the Dress Uniform of the New York Fire Department, Mr Sullivan created quite a stir among other patrons out for a meal at the Kinturk Centre and he found himself much in demand for a series of group photos.
A member of the New York King’s County A.O.H. Mr Sullivan thanked the Tyrone Hibernians for the honour and said that the highly influential National Board of the A.O.H. in the United States were firmly behind the Tyrone Hibernians and the County President in their endeavours to strengthen the bonds between the Order on both sides of the Atlantic.
Later, Mr Sullivan presented a cheque from the New York Hibernians to Catherine Sewell from the St Joseph’s Pro-Life Group Dungannon in recognition of the group’s fight to keep English-based abortion clinics out of Tyrone.
A “New Hibernianism” is emerging, says Tyrone AOH President
Speaking to a large crowd in the Kinturk Cultural Centre in Co Tyrone after the Hibernian Day parade on Sunday, Gerry McGeough, the Tyrone County president of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, welcomed all those in attendance and described the occasion as “historic in itself”.
The parade, which included an eclectic mix of Hibernian and Republican bands, AOH Divisions, a pro-life group and period costume re-enactors in 1500s and 1916 attire marked the 400th anniversary of the death in exile of the Cenéal Eoghain Chief and Irish leader Hugh O’Neill. Some of the hundreds of participants in the march travelled from as far away as Cork, Dublin and Galway to be at the event.
A series of other anniversaries, including the Easter Rising Centenary, the 1981 Hunger Strikes and 9/11, during which eighteen members of the American AOH were killed in the line of duty as fire-fighters at the World Trade Center, were also commemorated.
Mid-way through the parade the marchers filed into the “Vision Field”, where Our Lady is said to have appeared in 1954, for a special blessing from local priest Fr. Vincent Darragh. A decade of the rosary was then recited in Irish before the parade resumed.
Mr McGeough later praised the various groups present saying that he was “deeply inspired and impressed” by the day’s close co-operation “between so many people from many different strands of the nationalist/republican community”.
He went on to say that the “Tyrone AOH was actively reaching out to our siblings in the wider Nationalist/Republican family. Every few generations the Hibernian Tradition renews itself to meet the challenges of the times. From the era of the Gaelic chieftains to the Kilkenny Confederates through the Defenders and Ribbonmen to the current AOH, the fiery spirit of true Hibernianism always manifests and reasserts itself. True Hibernianism is never dull, stuffy or truculent.
I believe that the AOH is undergoing another metamorphosis which will result in the emergence of a new Hibernianism, one that is energetic, idealistic, generous, diverse, focused and forward-looking, yet still loyal to our old Defender motto of Pro Fide et Patria. We can almost sense its potential here today”, he said.
The Tyrone president said that the Hibernian movement needs to make itself relevant to the community in order to resume its natural role as a leading and guiding force among Ulster Catholics on both sides of the border. Mr McGeough added that the Tyrone Hibernians would continue to strengthen the already close bonds with the American AOH.
A special Aodh Ó Néil medallion was struck to mark the occasion and a number of these were presented to select recipients at the Kinturk gathering. Among those to receive a medallion were Josie Boylan, a sister of Tyrone Hunger Striker Martin Hurson, on behalf of the Hurson family and Catherine Sewell, a leading pro-life activist, on behalf of the St Joseph’s Pro-Life Group Dungannon.
There was a considerable media presence at the Hibernian Day parade, the first of its kind, including a film crew from Britain and reporters from the Guardian newspaper.
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Martin Galvin (MG) talks to Gerry McGeough (GM) via telephone from Co. Tyrone about Óglach Liam Ryan. (begins time stamp ~ 48:20 in first hour)
Radio Free Éireann
This heading title line is usually hyperlinked to the entire show on the WBAI archive page. As this week's show was a two hour fund raising special and Gerry McGeoug's interview began in the first hour and ended in the second hour there are two entire show links.
The first hour is here. The second hour is here.
Gerry's interview is on the player below. Enjoy!
MG: We have Gerry – we've never introduced him as a poet before but after that poem was read by Una McGeough we have to introduce Gerry as a poet. Gerry, how was that poem that we just heard so eloquently read by Una, your daughter, how did you happen to compose that poem about Liam Ryan?
GM: Yeah, well…first of all: Hello! Martin and John and everyone there. I didn’t actually hear the poem being read out but I heard it earlier on the DVD and so forth. Yeah, that particular time that Liam was assassinated by the British forces I find myself in high isolation in a prison in Germany, it was then West Germany, in 1989. And I remember a news piece had come across, whether it was on German radio I can’t remember, but it just said someone had been assassinated, two people killed in the location of East Tyrone and so on and so forth. They didn’t give any names. And yet, I instinctively knew that, and don’t ask me how I knew this but I did know, I sensed in any case that this was Liam, and I immediately wrote a little piece, a condolence piece if you like, for the An Phoblacht/Republican News. At that time the Republican Movement was one sort of big, happy family before it’s now fragmented into absolutely nothing worth talking about but then it had a sense of mission, a sense of purpose and a great sense of solidarity and of course, like all of us, I was a member of the Republican Movement. And I wrote and mentioned Liam’s name without any facts to back it up but as it transpired it was him and the letter eventually made its way to Dublin and it was published in a subsequent edition of the Republican News/An Phoblacht. And I suppose in the course of the next few weeks and whatnot and being as I was in isolation, I had no outside stimulus, no one to talk to or anything of that nature, I started thinking about the past quite a bit and this poem germinated in that sense and it just came out so it was a reference to all the men, the Volunteers of Tyrone and so on, and it really was a heartfelt piece of poetry I suppose – so that’s, essentially, how it came about. And you know it’s remarkable when you stop and think of it and if you read the list of honour, the roll of honour and so on – the heroism of men and women, not just in Tyrone and not just across the Six Counties, but right across from the island of Ireland and the Irish people in general who gave their lives – some of them obviously in the central theater of the war, which was in The North, but others overseas, like in Gibraltar and elsewhere and England and whatnot who died, who were killed in action, fighting for an independent Ireland.
And I feel such a terrible sense of betrayal now that after all that sacrifice, after all that endurance and all that death what have we ended up with? You know? I mean it just beggers belief and I don’t think…there are more and more Republicans here in The North, particularly here in East Tyrone, who have come round to our way of thinking that we have basically been sold a pup and the Sinn Féin leadership stands indicted for their betrayal of the sacrifice and the struggle. An they use most of their energy, when they’re not sucking up to the English or the Unionists, most of their energy denigrating old comrades and all of us here on this radio station speaking right now have been through the mill in that regard and it would fit them better if they just moved over and let other politicians and other politically active people take the helm I think at this point in time.
MG: Gerry, before we heard your daughter, Una, recite that poem we had a clip from Brian Arthurs on the DVD. And in it he talked about, well first of all he talked about how when Liam was assassinated the British Army, members of the locally recruited Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR), the Royal Irish Regiment (RIR) has scouted the area, sealed it off, sealed the lakes, sealed the roadway and monitored and committed the assassination. But he said that when they couldn’t get at Volunteers they would do the same thing and assassinate family members and he mentions specifically Roseann Mallon, he mentions specifically members of The McKearney Family, he mentions specifically members of the Fox Family – now those are all people, families, who are in the same area of Tyrone that you are and they all lost family members, older family members, who were simply assassinated – that’s the case that Brian Arthurs made. How common was that that the British would not only try to attack and monitor and use their position as forces of so-called ‘law and order’ to assassinate Republican Volunteers but that they would ‘make do’ with family members in your area?
GM: Well it was very common. And of course, we have subsequently found out from archive material and from open statements by Loyalists and so on that East Tyrone and particular areas where there was a strong resistance to British rule were targeted, specifically targeted, and I suppose the assassination of the likes of Roseann Mallon, whom I knew and I know the family very well and others that you mentioned and a pregnant woman up north of Carrickmore in mid-Tyrone, what this did was it instilled a sense of terror on the one hand; it was very much a psychological operation and it was used to just to grind down the resistance of the people in a particular area. And it was very effective but there was a sense of helplessness as well because people knew that the British state was behind it – I mean anybody with an iota of sense would have seen that and as you quite rightly point out they would seal areas off – a dog couldn’t have move on the roads then all of a sudden there wasn’t a soldier or a member of the Crown forces to be found when assassination teams from Loyalist areas would move in and probably working in tandem with undercover British so yeah – that’s what happened.
And one of the interesting outcomes of that was that when the ceasefires came about and so on and so forth Adams was giving, Gerry Adams, was giving an interview to a journalist from The South of Ireland, Maol Muire Tynan, back in the 1990’s, and in the course of the interview he said nobody wants Billy Wright here – of course, the chief assassin for the UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) – knocking at their back door again. He reminded people that if there was any return to conflict if you’d like that this would happen. So it was a kind of a psychological effort because people were actually were for a long, long time, years afterwards, really I suppose terrified is the best word you could use of that particular campaign – now that obviously had gone back way to the early ’70’s and so on and so forth but it had become extraordinarily intense in the last few years, certainly months, of the actual armed struggle and it was used, quite obviously, to target individual people, either active Republicans or failing that, as you mentioned, their families, to instill a sense of terror and a willingness to I suppose surrender, for want of a better term, albeit it’s called the peace process and so on and so forth.
So yeah, that was what went on and it was very common. Of course there was a defacto genocide in many respects. It was an attempt to ethnically cleanse parts of Tyrone here of Catholic Nationalists and it has happened in the past. For example, now we’re having the four hundredth anniversary of the death and exile of Hugh O’Neill very shortly and at that time, and if you read the archives you can see the British boasted, the English rather, boasted of having ‘put to the sword’ thousands of people, men, women and children from Lough Neagh to Dungannon, which is effectively East Tyrone, again as part of this terror campaign to break the Irish resistance – at that time of the Gaelic lords so really plus ça change as they say nothing much has changed.
MG: Gerry, one of the things about this DVD, about the commemoration was how you had so many people from a very small area who had been so courageous in opposing British rule. You had, for example, Pete Ryan, Liam’s cousin, who was one of the best known Irish Republican Army soldiers who lost his life. He was killed along with Lawrence McNally who was somebody else who I met around Review Place, 238th Street in the Bronx, visiting Liam – again, from that same area, was in the car with Pete. You had Liam who was, of course, assassinated. You had so many others from an area, a small area like that, family connections, friends, who were able, over so many years, to mount a such a spirited resistance and opposition to British rule in Ireland.
GM: Yes, well that’s true and that’s one of the things that the British have targeted and they saw to it that they would break that resistance – it was a long, hard grind as I said towards the end with those types of assassinations and whatnot – and that’s precisely what they have done. And now you have, you know it’s been a very psychological type of warfare this past twenty years and whatnot since the ceasefires and a whole new generation has grown up who really only rely on information that’s anecdotal as regards The Troubles and they are being so anglicised it’s quite frightening; you know, they talk about ‘here in the UK’ and ‘Londonderry’ and nonsense like that, these are, some of them, the children of Republicans. So it’s a constant struggle. The chief culprits here are the Sinn Féin people, especially their elected representatives, who have encouraged people to inform as much as possible, to even join the British forces here in The North and all the rest of it so it’s a very ambiguous programme, it creates a lot of confusion among people. And then of course anyone who speaks out finds, as I did when I stood back in 2007 on a staunch Republican ticket, they find that they are corralled off and put in prison and basically marginalised and isolated and so on and so forth. So the English rule the Nationalist population of Ireland through Sinn Féin that’s the black-and-white bottom line at this point in time.
And I was speaking to you before, I was drawing the analogy with The Highlands of Scotland – they could never control the Catholic clans up in The Highlands except through The Campbells, which were another Gaelic clan albeit a Protestant one, and they used them to keep law and order, or English law and order, in The Highlands of Scotland. They use Sinn Féin now to do the same. And under the cover you have Catholic Nationalist, people from Republican families, who are now sitting as Diplock court judges and prosecutors and all the other stuff of the day that you can’t possibly imagine and they are arrogantly passing judgment on patriots. I remember when I was on the trial, and the trial was an absolute farce – no research done whatsoever on anything – they just threw out whatever they wanted – but they used to talk about ‘bad character’ – anyone who had shown any resistance to the British was deemed to have had ‘bad character’ and everything was to be criminalised. So again you have Irish Catholics, traitors in effect, administering British rule here in the Six Counties. But I’m happy to say that things are – I do detect a stirring, I do detect a stirring and it’s very important that we focus on this because the Brexit vote, which I’m sure you’re all familiar with which is where Britain withdrew itself from, voted to leave the European Union, is starting to stir things up a little bit here.
Now I voted to get out for the simple reason is we wanted to see that the – to create the chaos that is now coming about as any good Irish Nationalist would want to do – and all the Irish Republicans that I know, except for the Sinn Féin people, all Irish Republicans voted to get out – not because they give a damn about England or Britain but because they wanted to break up the United Kingdom in order to bring about a united Ireland. The only way we’re going to get a united Ireland is to break up the United Kingdom, so-called.
And now what we’re seeing is people are starting to openly talk about border polls and all the rest of it. Why do we need a border poll? Why do we have to vote to prove anything? They just need to get the hell out of our country. They don’t belong here. They’ve no right to be here. Their presence here has been at the cost of the blood of the Irish so it’s time for them now to get out. I’m quite hopeful that this will come about but we have to see to it that mass movements get up and running here over the next say few years so that by, I would like to think January of 1919 (2019), the English would be out of our country.
And we need a united Ireland – not for The North but for the sake of The South. The South urgently needs us Northerners to take control of things because they have just gone so wishy-washy it’s beyond belief – they’ve no spark of patriotism, they’ve turned their back on their faith, everything you could possibly imagine – they’ve really no sense of Irishness worth talking about so we have to re-instill all that in them. And I would hope that we will have this debate developing something more substantial whereby there will be an outcry and a demand that we get our country back. Because in here in Tyrone, I know the English have been in Ireland since 1169 and all of the rest of it but they haven’t been in The North only since the 1600’s so in historic terms it’s relatively fresh and we want them out. We’ve had enough of them. They’ve been on our backs for too long. And then we’ll deal with all these other issues that I’ve been referring to, the collaborators and all the rest of it, but in the meantime we need to get our country re-united and we need to get the English out of here – they’ve no right to be here. So hopefully we may see Scotland making some attempt to seek independence and that really is our cue.
MG: Alright. Gerry, we’re – are you still with us?
GM: Yes, of course.
MG: Gerry, sorry – Jim Sullivan’s going to ask you a question.
Jim: Alright Gerry, I just want to say: I’ll be over in a little more than a month to see you and Maria and the kids.
GM: Well, we look forward to it!
MG: (quips) See, Jim wanted to save the phone call expense.
Jim: Yeah – this is cheaper for me. As you know, they don’t make pockets in kilts.
GM: And the Ancient Order of Hibernains in Tyrone have something special (crosstalk)(inaudible) the Hugh O’Neill Medallion, one of which is being reserved for the Hibernians, members of the AOH who died as firemen in the line of duty on 9/11, fifteen years ago. So we look forward to presenting that to you, Jim, when you do get here which you can bring back to the United States as a mark of our respect for our fellow AOH members who died on that fateful day fifteen years ago.
Jim: Alright. Thank you, Gerry.
MG: Gerry, we’re pitching today. We’re asking people to show support for us so that we can show this programme has support in the Irish community. We’re asking that people will call (provides phone number). I have to use you as an example. I know when we were working on the Gerry McGeough Family Defence Fund – when you were arrested in 2007 and ultimately you went to prison in Maghaberry – we were able to use WBAI to support you. I know you have been on, both before you were imprisoned and afterwards, to talk about that. You were when, going back, you were around on different issues…
GM: …I can say, Martin, absolutely I fully and wholly, totally endorse Radio Free Éireann and WBAI. And I would encourage everyone to dig deep and help keep this station on air because it is vital, absolutely vital that we have access to what is effectively, thanks to social media now as a global mechanism, whereby we can get the voice of true Irishness, true Irish Republicanism, out and about and across the world and of course right back here to The North because there’s no really other outlet to say what we have to say. And yes, absolutely! We must keep this station on air so I would absolutely encourage everyone to do everything in their power, to be as generous as possible on this fund raising occasion and do help out. Keep Radio Free Éireann, keep WBAI on air. And I know all you guys, all the voluntary work that you do, deserves credit and we acknowledge that and I ask people to do their bit. It’s really part of a wider effort now because, as I said, we’re moving into a new stage whereby there is a strong possibility now that we can see political movement – if it’s properly harnessed and the right energy goes into it and the right thinking goes into it – and we get rid of these pathetic old Shinners who are just so sad it’s not funny and let’s get patriots back in the saddle again and we need WBAI to be part of the voice of that new Ireland that is coming up.
MG: Alright. We’ve been talking with Gerry McGeough. Gerry, we want to thank you. (ends time stamp ~ 6:16 in the second hour)
The Volunteer’s Beret
By Gerry McGeough - May 21, 2016
That piece of cloth is sacred
Hold it gently in your hand
It’s a symbol of our struggle
Of a gallant, noble stand
It was worn on the hillsides
And the rocky glens below
In every street and alley
And bushy green hedge row
It was placed on many a coffin
Of some poor old mother’s son
Or a father’s only daughter
Who fell at home or on the run
It is frayed and it is singed
And it smells of sour cordite
It is shredded at the sides
For it saw action in the fight
Let no coward’s eye behold it
Let no traitor know it’s there
Keep it hidden in the shadows
Where none can stand and stare
Show it only in the twilight
At the setting of the sun
And only to those brave young hearts
Who know what must be done
It is proud and still defiant
Full of rage
Just biding time in peace…for now
At the edges of the stage
Clutch it never to your bosom
Let no tear upon it fall
It is not a cloth of sorrow
No, not at all
It will rise again in freedom
Then we’ll put it on display
That old symbol of our struggle
The Volunteer’s Beret.
Martin Galvin interviews Gerry McGeough,
President, Tyrone AOH,
On Radio Free Eireann, March 26, 2016
Martin: On the line from Co. Tyrone we have Gerry McGeough. Gerry, how are you doing?
Gerry: Martin, how are you? And a Happy Easter to yourself and all our good friends over there in the United States including Helen McClafferty and John and all the others who have been associated with the Irish freedom struggle for so many years.
Martin: Gerry, I have to laugh: The other day I checked Nuzhound – nNzhound is the place if you want to follow events in Ireland hit up Nuzhound – they have the clippings every day of the important news stories dealing with the North of Ireland. So I hit up Nuzhound and there was a story: Gerry McGeough Elected President of the Tyrone County AOH (Ancient Order of Hibernians) and I hit it up and it was a great picture of you wearing an Hibernian sash, smiling and it was a great story. Then I read the paper that it was taken from, the Irish News, and the story was exactly the same, the picture was exactly the same except the headline had become: Murder Bid Man Elected AOH County President.
Gerry: Yeah. Well you know that was: Elected New AOH Leader - so they had upped me considerably. But as you say, Martin, the story itself was excellent. It was accurate. Connla Young, a very good journalist, did an excellent job on it. Clearly what happened was some self-loathing begrudger of a headlines editor decided to sensationalise the thing and of course got it entirely wrong. But we've come to expect this from the Irish News. It's not the paper that it used to be. It's not held in the great esteem that it once was. It's become very tabloid-like both in format and content over the years and a lot of fabrications frankly appear in it, a number which have been written about me as well. Primarily people just ignore it. You know, even around this area a lot of people don't even bother to buy it. So I suppose in reality the modern Irish News has become part of the West Brit/Stormont Establishment and like so many other outlets here and political parties and it's very detached from what's really going on on the ground. They called a lot of things wrong especially in the elections of last year because they're really not in touch with what's happening.
And of course we've had some silly bloggers saying that Nationalists and Republicans aren't voting anymore here in the Six Counties because of apathy or one thing or another. That's utter nonsense. The reason they're not voting is it's a form of passive resistance. People really, if you raise your head here now, what happens to you is what happened to me in 2007 when I stood as an independent Republican candidate - you get arrested and thrown into gaol or otherwise harassed. So people have to resort to other means and part of it is not voting and I think you'll see that continuing until such time as eligible candidates arise that people can vote for – independent Republican candidates or the like – and in due course they will come along but in the meantime you're going to see this passive-resistance continuing. It's not apathy at all because Sinn Féin is the new Redmondite Party. In 2007, back at the time that I'm referring to, they promised the sun, the moon and the stars and they also promised a united Ireland by 2016. They've virtually ignored and abandoned every principle ever they had and people are becoming very, very disillusioned as a consequence. But like the Redmondites they continue to get elected because there's no opposition going forward to challenge them as there was let's say in 1918 in The South. If the Republicans in 1918 hadn't stood in those elections then the Redmondites would have been elected all across the thirty-two counties of Ireland albeit on a reduced mandate and without any real legitimacy but because there was no alternative they would have been elected and things would have been very much different today. However, they were challenged and toppled as a consequence. And in due course the Sinn Féin Redmondites will be challenged politically as well and toppled also.
Martin: Gerry, I want to talk to you about two events that just seem odd to me – I don't know how to explain them. (Sinn Féin MLA and Speaker of the Northern Ireland Assembly) Mitchel McLaughlin has floated the idea that the British troops who were killed in 1916 that they should be honoured as part of any commemoration. And more recently, there's wall murals in West Belfast, they're beautiful if you see them, but there was a wall mural to Kieran Nugent, who was very well-known, spent time here, was the first person – the blanketman - stood up on the blanket protest, withstood that, refused to wear a criminal uniform because he thought it would betray the Irish struggle, betray everything that 1916 stood for. And his wall mural has been taken down and one of Edward Carson, the Unionist leader, the person who refused Home Rule, who organised the Solemn Covenant, who organised the idea of resistance by Unionists to any moves to have Home Rule throughout all of Ireland and why he should be honoured, Edward Carson, in West Belfast, a very strong Republican heartland, why people should talk about honouring British troops as part of 1916 is something that I just cannot fathom and I wanted to get your perspective.
Gerry: Yeah well I think it goes back to what I said earlier about them losing touch with the people. You know it frankly beggers belief that they would do such a thing. Is it to appease or to impress the Unionists? Because if that's the case, if that's the motive, it doesn't work. The Unionists despise that type of thing! They despise anyone who's trying to, to use the common term, 'suck up' to them. They would absolutely abhor that and they would see it as a form of weakness and hold it in the utter contempt that it frankly deserves. Carson, you know he was primarily responsible for whipping up the fervour that ultimately led to The Troubles of 1916 but also The Troubles of the 1920's so there's no legacy there to be proud of and it has to be said, from a Northern perspective, a Six Counties perspective - my grandparents often told me that the pogroms which were unleashed against Catholics in The North in the 1920's were so ferocious – and my grandmother – one of her brothers was so badly beaten he was an invalid for the rest of his life - they were so ferocious that the Catholic community was cowed down essentially to my generation in the late '60's and '70's. So the UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) that he brought about went on to become the B Specials and the RUC (Royal Ulster Constabulary) which suppressed and policed and discriminated against the Catholic population in The North why would you want celebrate or even acknowledge the existence of these people? It just utterly beggers belief!
As for Kieran Nugent: Well I remember him in New York in 1979 and you yourself, Martin, were very instrumental in having his case brought to the fore and I think it was a huge propaganda coup as I recall at the time in the Summer of that particular year when he stood at the court house in Manhattan perhaps dressed only in a blanket and it received enormous news coverage - thanks primarily I presume to yourself because you were involved with Irish Northern Aid as one of its Publicity Directors at the time. And you know, as you said, he refused to wear the British prison uniform and stood up to them and led to the blanket protest and all the rest as we know. So to take him down is frankly an insult to the memory of all Republicans and all families of Republicans and all others who were involved in the whole prison struggles in late 1970's and right away through to the hunger strikes and Bobby Sands' election in Fermanagh-South Tyrone in 1981 to take that down and replace it with Carson.
Martin: In the United States we honour the memory of George Washington and those who fought to give us freedom every year on July 4thand at other events. I've never heard anyone suggest: What about the Redcoats? What about honouring them or including them or including their memory? People in Texas remember The Alamo. They celebrate it. They honour it. Nobody says: What about Santa Anna? Let's bring him in. There are marathons, for example, there's a New York Marathon, the Boston Marathon (and the only thing I can do at those things is watch, I can't run) but it's always mentioned that that came about as an end of a great victory in which the Athenians defeated the Persians and preserved what was happening in terms of democracy and preventing them being enslaved and nobody says: But what about those poor Persians who came there to conquer them? Shouldn't their courage be remembered? Why is it you have a rebellion in 1916 - the leaders of that rebellion were executed by British troops. Tom Clarke in particular was brutalised by British troops. Roger Casement a year later - a 1916 leader was associated with that – was arrested coming into Kerry - he was hung by the British government. Why would you honour the memory of those who shot down the leaders, who killed Irish patriots, who did everything to put down freedom and stop it from coming in to take its course throughout any part of Ireland - why would you turn to them and say they should be honoured as part of the commemorations of that period?
Gerry: Yeah, the poor Persians who perished you might have said. Well I suppose it has to be, and again we refer back a hundred years ago to Pearse and what he was saying about the population at the time – that half of it was cowed down and half of it had been bought and paid for by the British. And the legacy of that, I'm afraid, continues. And we see that - no other half-decent country in the world, no other self-respecting nationality would do that. The Poles would not celebrate the German Army that tramped all over them in September of 1939. That's quite right. Then again we have to say that patriots in this country require at least a hundred years before they're acknowledged. The same Irish News you were referring to earlier all last week were eulogising, and quite rightly so, eulogising those who fought in 1916. But those of a later generation who fought against the same British forces are being branded as convicted criminals almost. It'll take another hundred years before the people in that era are acknowledged for the patriots that they are. And in other countries of the world patriots, like the United States, are honoured. They're given, when they're still alive, pension and medals but in this state they're given convictions and denied work and denied travel opportunities and all the rest of it. So the slave mentality continues and it's manifest supreme right now within the leadership of Sinn Féin and poor auld Mitchel, on his way out now, he's come out of this and it frankly it harkens back to what I said earlier: They have completely lost touch with their roots and they're going to find in the forthcoming elections that less people are going to vote for them. And frankly people don't like not voting if you know what I'm saying but there's no alternative being put forward and until such alternative arises this is going to continue to be the case.
Martin: Gerry, you know as a former member of the Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle, I know just from working with the Sinn Féin Press Centre in Belfast and working with Republican leaders for Mitchel McLaughlin to put forward something like: Let's honour the British troops - he would not have done that on his own. Usually, Mitchel – there was a couple of individuals who would be used to float trial balloons to get the base acclimated to something and if it succeeds, if there's no real opposition, that's fine – they'll go further - if there would be a great outcry then they'll say: Well that's Mitchel – he doesn't speak for us. The same thing is true with the murals in that area. Unless it met with the approval of leading figures within Sinn Féin then Kieran Nugent's mural would not have been taken down; Edward Carson's mural would not have been put up. It seems to be this sorry initiative strategy, this uncomfortable conversation strategy, this let's honour the Unionists and British troops strategy and that is something that's supposed to bring about reconciliation and unite Ireland - I told somebody who was a former blanketman maybe you should have worn a criminal uniform when you were imprisoned in Long Kesh in the name of a united Ireland – that's what it seems to be if you're taking down Kieran Nugent. Do you think that people like Arlene Foster and the others, I know they attended your court proceedings and jeered and cheered the fact that you were convicted by a Diplock judge and later imprisoned, do you think that they're in any way impressed by, moved by, more likely to support a united Ireland based on these types of gestures that we're talking about?
Gerry: No, no. I mean, that's a very good observation you've made and no, they won't be impressed at all. As I said earlier, they'd treat that with the utmost contempt. I mean it's a misguided policy. I mean the Unionists, from what I know of them, they really don't want anything to do with a united Ireland at all under any circumstances but they will admire or at least have some respect for those who stand by their principles whether or not, well they obviously don't agree with them, but they'd have nothing but utter contempt for those who compromise in an attempt to pursue some ridiculous policy that they can persuade Unionism to suddenly become a force for a united Ireland – it's not going to – I mean it's in the title: Unionist - with Britain, you know? They would fight it tooth and nail. So it's clearly not the way to go. You would obviously be much better off sticking by your principles, principles that men and women died for within in our lifetime and by betraying those principles you're betraying the memory of those people and their families and communities. It's a totally and utterly misguided policy which will amount to a hill of dust in the finish-up.
Martin: We're talking with Gerry McGeough who has recently been elected Tyrone County head of the Ancient Order of Hibernians. And Gerry, I know there's a separation between the Ancient Order of Hibernians in the United States and the separation in the Ancient Order of Hibernians in Ireland. I'm hoping – I know that you had visits from some members of the Ancient Order of Hibernians, Jim Sullivan and others who are over in Ireland now, and obviously I think hopefully we can work together on issues like this, on promoting freedom for all Ireland, something that means so much to you who lives in Tyrone and something that means so much to those exiled children in America who still care about Ireland.
Gerry: Absolutely! You know what? Jim and his wife just headed down to Dublin today. They were staying here in Tyrone for a few days and it was a great pleasure to have them and he was referring to I think the last Saint Patrick's Day parade in the United States this began at Gerritsen Beach run by the Kings County Board hoping they get a good turn out for it and I'm sure that there will be - it's always an honour to have members of the AOH from the United States because I belong to the same division which Jim belongs to, Division 35 in Brooklyn, and it's a tremendous honour for me to be able to say that and members of the AOH are always welcome here in Ireland and we're delighted to strengthen the bonds between both wings of our organisation and hopefully that will continue well into the future. And just before I forget I'd like to take this opportunity also if I may, Martin, to express my deepest and sincerest condolences on the death of Sandy Boyer who worked with you on WBAI and was a really tremendous individual and his death, his loss, I'm sure is sorely missed by all of us.
Martin: Gerry, there will be a memorial to him on April seventeenth – I know people are working hard on that. I said earlier in the show, as much as I appreciated Sandy and respected him that has tripled since just guest hosting the show how much work he put it that week after week to bring guests like you to the audience.
Gerry: He was an exponent of free speech and a very courteous individual and I couldn't possibly say a bad word about him and I was really very saddened on learning about his death some time ago, a few weeks ago, so I just wanted to share that with you.
Martin: Gerry, we want to thank you and as a result of you mentioning it to me the Gerritsen Beach parade happened at the same time as the programme but I did tell people who were listening that there is an Easter Rising commemoration at Baile Na N'Gael that's going to be held after the parade so you have time to get to it. Again, I want to thank you, Gerry McGeough, and we'll be in touch with you in future.
Gerry McGeough elected leader of Tyrone Hibernians and vows to revitalise AOH
Thursday 31 March 2016
Prominent republican Gerry McGeough has been elected to lead the Ancient Order of Hibernians in Co Tyrone for the second time.
Mr McGeough, a father-of-four and former IRA prisoner, was the editor of the large circulation Irish Catholic newspaper the Irish Family.
He was previously elected AOH president in Tyrone in 2011 but was jailed for the attempted murder of former DUP councillor Sammy Brush in 1981.
Mr McGeough said he was ‘very honoured’ to have been elected as president of the AOH Tyrone County Board. The organisation had been moribund for years, with its role confined to charity events and small parades. He said he has planned a busy year ahead for local AOH groups, which took part in a well-attended St Patrick’s Day parade in Aughnacloy.
“It’s my role to raise the profile of the AOH over the coming year, which I hope to do to the best of my ability”, he said. “Every Catholic family in the county has a connection with the organisation in the form of a relative who once belonged to the AOH ranks, and many households still have memorabilia including collarettes. It is my hope to revive these connections.”
He added that it was his intention to take a more proactive stance on Catholic issues, with pilgrimages planned to a Massrock in Bailieborough Cavan, and Knock.
“I have been invited to pro-life mass in Saint Patrick’s Church Dungannon on Monday the 4th of April at 7:30 pm which I will be happy to attend. Following the success of the Saint Patrick’s day parade in Aughnacloy, towns across Tyrone are clamouring to host the next Hibernian parade as these marches bring a great buzz and lots of business to a town. We had a glorious day in Aughnacloy with great weather and a large turn-out to celebrate the life of our patron saint.
“It looks like Coalisland may be the next venue when a Saint Patrick’s day slot for Tyrone becomes available in the next couple of years. We will also continue to strengthen our ties with the American AOH.”
The AOH evolved out of the Defenders and Ribbonmen Catholic defence groups in the 18th and 19th centuries.
Mr McGeough described the Hibernian movement as a “resilient organisation that has defied all attempts to stamp it out over the centuries.”
Independent Fermanagh Councillor and member of the Sean MacDiarmada 1916 Society BERNICE SWIFT previewed her major speech in Fermanagh on Sunday and how commemorations are viewed by those who live in the 6 counties still under British rule.
New York State Ancient Order of Hibernians President Tim MacSweeney discussed the New York State Legislature's vote proclaiming April 24th Irish Republic Day throughout New York State as well as a major AOH commemoration in New York City on April 23,2016.
Tyrone Republican and newly elected as AOH Tyrone County President,Gerry McGeough gave his analysis on the recent proposals to remember British troops in 1916 Commemorations or the replacement of a mural of Kieran Nugent with the unionist icon Edward Carson in the Republican heartland of West Belfast.
Gerry McGeough elected president of Tyrone AOH
Prominent republican Gerry McGeough has been elected president of the AOH in Co Tyrone
24 March, 2016
Prominent republican Gerry McGeough has been elected to lead the Ancient Order of Hibernians in Co Tyrone. Mr McGeough, a former IRA prisoner, is also well known for his strong Catholic views.
He was previously elected AOH president in Tyrone in 2011 but was jailed a few weeks later for the attempted murder of former DUP councillor Sammy Brush in 1981.
The Brantry native had been arrested leaving an assembly election count in Omagh in 2007 where he was standing as an independent candidate in protest at Sinn Fein's support for the PSNI.
He was sentenced to 20 years in jail, but was released after two under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement. The AOH evolved out of the Defenders and Ribbonmen Catholic defence groups in the 18th and 19th centuries.
Mr McGeough said his election was a “great honour", describing the AOH as a “resilient organisation that has defied all attempts to stamp it out over the centuries”.
He said the Hibernians can trace their roots back to the mid-1500s and identify strongly with Gaelic Catholic Ulster, adding that during this year of centenaries the Tyrone Hibernians will mark the 400th anniversary of the death of Hugh O'Neill.
Supreme Court rules against man convicted of IRA murder attempt
by Martin Galvin
The denial of Gerry McGeough’s appeal on IRA related charges, will affect far more than the Tyrone Republican. Mr. McGeough finished his two year ‘whack’ at Maghaberry, although he will remain barred from seeking election, or teaching. However the Supreme Court ruling threatens any political asylum applicants that their applications may now be handed over and used to imprison them.
The principle of granting asylum to those fleeing political persecution is centuries old. The asylum seeker must submit a detailed written statement of all affiliations and reasons for a well-founded fear of persecution. Such applications were always protected and confidential. The reasons are obvious.
For example, Irish political asylum cases became a major legal battleground in American courts. Some Republicans came to the United States fleeing collusion murder threats or sham Diplock prosecutions at the hands of the British. They married, got employment and settled. In the 1980s and 90s, a score of Republicans were rounded up and put under deportation proceedings. It was done at Britain’s behest, as part of the British policy of criminalization.
The British smugly assumed that American courts would brand these former IRA members as criminals and deport them, despite marriages to American citizens, political asylum claims or other grounds that would otherwise entitle them to remain in America.
This criminalization strategy backfired. Witnesses such as Pat Finucane, Bernadette Devlin McAliskey, Fr Des Wilson, Gerry Conlon and Oliver Kearney came to testify for the ‘Irish Deportees’. They were joined by Congressmen and judges. They put British rule on trial in American courtrooms, packed by Irish-Americans.
Headlines announced that American Federal Judges ruled that IRA Volunteers were part of a legitimate struggle, not terrorists, and refusing deportation. The Secretary of State intervened to settle these cases.
These ‘Irish Deportee’ cases each began with an application for asylum detailing their Republican connections and why they feared returning to British hands. Meanwhile Mr. McGeough filed his asylum application in Sweden. His confidential statement was passed on to the British and used against him. The Supreme Court ruling means no one can apply for asylum, without danger that their required statement could one day be used to imprison them, as happened to Gerry McGeough.
The London Supreme Court only considered this narrow issue. It did not consider whether his 2007 arrest at the polls, after years living openly in Tyrone, was retaliation for his election campaign as an Independent Republican. Nor did it take up selective prosecution and why he received no OTR immunity certificate. Within this narrow area, the Court has set a precedent for which many others may suffer more than Gerry McGeough.
Sept 11, 2015-- 1970s Intro
(Part of a series of "decade introductions" that Gerry McGeough was asked to write for a local school anniversary book).
The 1970s began with what might be termed a regime change in Derrylatinee. The summer of 1970 saw the retirement of the school’s Principal, Mrs Quinn, following a career spanning almost fifty years. Her departure severed the last link with the old school where she first began teaching back in 1924. The sheer longevity of her tenure in Derrylatinee, which effectively touched upon six decades, was a remarkable achievement by any standards.
The genuine affection in which Mrs Quinn was held by the generations of students she had taught was manifested in the huge turnout at a farewell event held in her honour that August. The occasion was celebrated in the Parochial Hall in Eglish and the venue was crammed with well-wishers for the evening.
The gathering also offered people the opportunity to meet and welcome Mrs Thornton to the area. She would replace Mrs Quinn in the wee room teaching the P1 to P3 classes and become the new Assistant Teacher, while Mr McGuckin moved into the role of Principal.
The new decade also witnessed a major improvement in the school’s infrastructure with the building of new toilets towards the end of 1970. In order to facilitate these, the original cloakroom had to be converted with a minor extension added on. This amenity was a significant development, not least in terms of hygiene, now that there were flush toilets and sinks. In 1972 the original desks and tables, some dating from 1939, were replaced with new furniture.
In the wider community, the advent of the “Troubles” was making a considerable impact. There had been a rapid militarization of the entire Six-Counties since the summer of 1969, and this was evident everywhere. Low-flying British Army helicopters, armoured military vehicles, random check-points and foot patrols of soldiers were a common feature throughout the decade. So too were the thunder of bomb and landmine blasts, and most people heard the rattle of gunfire at some point.
The Troubles period had a direct effect on many of the families and past pupils associated with Derrylatinee School, and a number of former pupils were killed or wounded during the conflict.
The routine of school life continued nonetheless, albeit with a level of inconvenience from time to time. Undoubtedly, the greatest threat to the very existence of Derrylatinee occurred in 1976, when the school came perilously close to closure despite a steady rise in enrollment over the decade. A spirited campaign in support of the school by the local community, however, succeeded in staving off any closure, and pupil numbers continued to rise.
In 1977 Mrs Thornton left Derrylatinee, and her position as Assistant Teacher was filled by Mrs Donaghy, who was appointed in January, 1978. Her engaging and industrious style of teaching brought a new sense of vivacity to the educational atmosphere of the school. Pupils from the era have generally fond memories of their experience in Derrylatinee, and this was undoubtedly influenced to some extent by the reluctance of the sundry new teachers to resort to corporal punishment. Unlike in previous decades, when mass slapping, punching and de facto punishment beatings were seen as the panacea for all ills, disputes, learning difficulties and disciplinary issues were now being increasingly addressed by other means.
Still, it would be another few years until corporal punishment would be officially outlawed, and pupils at Derrylatinee throughout the 1970s could expect the odd slap to be administered from time to time.
Sept 1, 2015-- 1960s Intro
(Part of a series of "decade introductions" that Gerry McGeough was asked to write for a local school anniversary book).
The 1960s decade was to witness a number of changes for Derrylatinee School. The most obvious of these was the sudden fall in the number of enrolled pupils from a high of eighty-nine in 1961 to forty-nine the following year.
The initial cause of this drop was the opening of the Intermediate school in Dungannon, which for the first time offered the opportunity of Secondary education to a huge swathe of the population. First year students in the new institution were drawn from the eleven to twelve year-old cohort. Up until this, most children remained at primary school until they were fourteen. In earlier decades students were required to stay at school for a period of three months after their fourteenth birthday before they could officially leave. This meant that pupils were leaving at various stages throughout the final academic year rather than altogether at the end of it in June or July. The process can only have been very disconcerting for all concerned.
The enrollment numbers continued to drop throughout the 1960s and at one point there were only thirty-five pupils in the entire school. This was largely due to the overall reduced numbers of younger adults in the district, as a consequence of the high levels of emigration from the late 1940s. Their absence meant fewer families and therefore fewer children of primary school age.
The decade also heralded a major change in the make-up of the teaching staff, which had hitherto been in place for decades. The formidable Mrs Casey retired as Principal in 1965, having almost quite literally ruled with an iron rod, or at least a wooden one, since her appointment to the post in 1928. She was replaced by a Kerryman, Mr O’Connor, who acted as Assistant Teacher, while Mrs Quinn became Principal. In 1969 he left to take up a post as Principal in Caledon, and his replacement, Mr McGuckin, hailed from Moneymore in Co Derry.
By 1967 mains electricity was being extended to the area, and was finally installed in the school that year also. Running water and flush toilets were still a few years off. The decade saw the provision of school buses, but these were initially allocated along sectarian lines, and catered primarily to the protestant children who attended the nearby Mullycar State School. This meant that a significant proportion of the Derrylatinee pupils had to walk to school well into the late 60s, and while the bus did not pass those Catholic children who lived along the Mullycar route, they regularly found themselves subjected to sectarian abuse and violence from the majority protestant children on the bus.
Television sets were becoming increasingly common in households in the wider community as the decade wore on, and by 1968 Derrylatinee pupils were able to view the rise in political tensions as the Civil Rights campaign and the heavy Unionist Government response to it got underway.
The academic year beginning in September, 1969, was to mark the final phase of Mrs Quinn’s tenure in Derrylatinee. She retired as Principal in the summer of 1970, having first been appointed to the old school as Junior Assistant Mistress in September 1924.
July 15, 2015-- 1950s Intro
(Part of a series of "decade introductions" that Gerry McGeough was asked to write for a local school anniversary book).
The 1950s was a very different decade to the tumultuous one that had preceded it. As the rest of Western Europe entered into serious post war reconstruction while confronting the new realities of the Cold War, rural areas in the North of Ireland experienced a new era of economic stagnation. For largely nationalist districts like the Brantry this was exacerbated by the institutionally defined prohibition and discrimination that was widely practiced and encouraged by the unionist government in Stormont and its satellites in places like the Dungannon Council.
Being treated and regarded as second class citizens left Catholics with very few options in life where employment was concerned. This was why they always placed a very high premium on education and the possibilities it might open up in a society where they had to struggle for mostly everything and where their religious identification worked against them. Thus the significance of schools like Derrylatinee and the important cohesive role such establishments played in the community.
For the people of the area Derrylatinee school was something to be proud of as far as the building itself was concerned. It was a sturdy and well-built structure with a distinct hip roof and it was well provided for insofar as the circumstances of the time would allow.
In 1955 the driveway and paths around the school were concreted. This was quite an advancement bearing in mind that many of the by-roads in the district still remained un-tarred. Parents were then asked to make financial donations towards the replacement of the boundary fence, which was completed in 1959.
The 1948 Education Act opened up a new set of opportunities for students through the introduction of the Eleven Plus examination, which meant that it would be possible, for some at least, to acquire a secondary level education. This in turn could lead to a university education. The uptake of the scheme was fitful and not universally applied at first, which meant that only some children were given the opportunity to sit the examination. The majority stayed on at school until they were fourteen at which point they left and were expected to find work in the wider world. Farm work was no longer much of an option and advances in synthetic engineering had rendered production of the once labour intensive flax crop largely redundant. Flax disappeared.
For many, if not most, this meant emigration. Since the late 1940s the post war construction boom in Britain had drawn large numbers of young people from the area. That trend continued throughout the 1950s and many young emigrants travelled further afield to the United States, Canada, Australia and elsewhere. Returning home to face discrimination in jobs and housing held little appeal and in time many of these married, had children and settled abroad. This would have direct consequences for the pupil enrolment numbers in Derrylatinee in the 1960s.
June 15, 2015-- 1940s Intro
(Part of a series of "decade introductions" that Gerry McGeough was asked to write for a local school anniversary book).
The first half of the 1940s decade was of course utterly dominated by the Second World War, and Derrylatinee did not escape the impact of its events. Although the new school was operational from about the spring of 1939, war time restrictions on public gatherings meant that the official opening ceremony had to be postponed until 1946.
The school itself was a model of modernity and a welcome change from the physical restrictions of the old school, which had in the end been compulsorily closed by the then Ministry of Education. The new building was erected on a site purchased from Alexander “Sandy” Pinkerton for the princely sum of £45.00.
The architectural design was produced by Omagh-based Vincent Murnaghan and the contract ultimately went to the builder, Patrick McKenna from Killymoyle. Work commenced in September, 1938 and the school was completed by Easter of the following year, which is quite a feat considering that the foundations had to be dug manually by spade and very little machinery was used in the rest of the building work involved.
The new Derrylatinee had two classrooms separated by a large cloakroom, with an in-built storage closet mostly used for keeping sporting equipment. The main and only entrance opened directly into this cloakroom. Both classrooms were heated by barrel-shaped stoves set into rear wall corners by the teachers’ desks and blackboards. A small ancillary kitchen could only be accessed from the senior room by a door set between the blackboard and the stove area. This kitchen consisted mainly of a hand-operated water pump supplied by a well and a sink, plus areas for cups and other utensils. Water for tea was boiled by placing a kettle on one of the stoves, and tea was for teachers and visiting dignitaries only.
A blockhouse construction with separate entrances for boys, girls and teachers, served as the toilet amenities. These were “dry” toilets, and the building was set several yards from the school further west into the playground area.
In the wider community at the time, wartime rationing meant fewer commodities, although the proximity of the border and a cavalier attitude towards customs protocol helped alleviate many of the discomforts associated with the imposed shortages.
The British, however, did plunder local resources for their increasingly desperate war effort, and many beautiful woods in the district were cut down and the trees hauled off for timber.
At the beginning of the 1940s gas-masks were issued to all families, but these were often disregarded by young men in the district who quickly converted the pipe element into use as parts for car engines. Fords were becoming increasingly popular despite fuel restrictions.
A common feature throughout the area at the time was the proliferation of tiny shops. Practically every townland had at least one. For the most part these operated from a room in family dwelling houses, and the stock was fairly basic; tea, tobacco, sugar, oil for lamps and the like when these were available under rationing conditions. Produce from the family farms was also sold, and these little enterprises did a roaring trade in selling eggs to the American soldiers who had flooded into the area for training ahead of the D-day landings in 1944.
For years afterwards, locals marvelled at the relaxed attitude of these U.S. troops and spoke of how they used to pull up in their jeeps at the window of one of these shops in Carrycastle, conduct their transactions through the open window and speed off again without ever having gotten out of their jeeps. A forerunner of the drive-thru, perhaps.
Flax, which was used in the production of linen and related by-products, had been grown in the area for centuries, and the 1940s saw a boom in the industry due to wartime demand. Pupils from Derrylatinee would have been expected to help with work in the fields that produced the crop after school. By all accounts it was hard labour.
The post war years witnessed a number of changes that would have long-term implications. The advent of the soon to be ubiquitous Ferguson tractor would change farming methods forever, and one of the first casualties of this little grey machine was the farm horse. These began to disappear quite quickly over the coming years, and one unforeseen consequence of this for Derrylatinee school children of the time was the sudden unavailability of hair from a horse’s tail. For generations pupils had attempted to protect themselves during slapping episodes by wrapping a few strands of horsetail hair around their hands. This apparently had the effect of splintering the stick that was being used on them. The success of the tactic remains open to debate.
Pupils of the era would also have been exposed to significant developments in the realm of communications and the “wet-battery” powered radio provided access to a wider world. During the early war years most people tuned-in to the propaganda broadcasts from Germany by William Joyce, a.k.a. Lord Haw-Haw. Unknown to most, Joyce’s family, originally from Galway, had lived in the Brantry area for a period following the 1920s.
One night in 1941 when a group of neighbours were listening to Lord Haw-Haw announce an imminent bombing raid on Belfast, they were disturbed by an unusual noise. Running outside into the bright moonlight they witnessed one of those same Luftwaffe bombers circling the Brantry lough, apparently seeking its co-ordinates which were based around Rehaghy Mountain, not far from where the Joyces had once lived.
By the end of the 1940s, pupils were going to a Derrylatinee school that found itself in a world very different from what previous generations had ever experienced.
June 1, 2015-- Introduction - 1930s
(The following is one of a series of "decade introductions" that Gerry McGeough was asked to write for a local school anniversary book.)
Although they were known as the “Hungry Thirties” in Depression Era America and other heavily industrialised societies, many parts of rural Ireland were surprisingly unaffected by the great economic downturn of the decade.
This had probably as much to do with the fact that there had been little economic progress to begin with over the previous decades than anything else. In addition to that, farming communities of the period tended to be fairly self-sufficient, labour intensive and unburdened by unrealistic expectations. In a sense, when there was very little to start with, few people noticed any significant change when deprivation struck elsewhere.
There was, however, a very strong sense of community and a devotion to religion, which becomes clear when talking to Derrylatinee pupils from the era. These community bonds made for very happy memories that far outweighed any recollections of hardship.
The 1930s was the last decade during which the old school was in operation. Situated a few hundred yards from the current site, it was a basic construct dating from 1855. The building itself was about thirty feet long and fifteen feet wide, with a hallway entrance near the roadway. The hallway was slated, while the rest of the building had a corrugated roof, which may have replaced thatch from an earlier time. There were dry toilets at the back of the building.
The old Derrylatinee was essentially a one-roomed schoolhouse with two teachers, one working at each end of the room. During the 1930s, Miss Conway, who later became Mrs. Quinn, taught the younger children from infants to P2, while Miss Coyle, later Mrs. Casey, taught P3 to P7.
The school catered to children from a sprawling rural area that ranged across the lower Brantry, the townlands around the Greystone, and as far as Rahaghey. Mechanised transportation was a rarity in those days and most pupils, or scholars as they were then referred to, walked to school. In the warmer months they went barefoot and stories abound of people complaining about having “crigged” a big toe en route to school. By this they meant that they had bruised a toe on some loose stone along the mostly un-tarred roads. Some deliberately went barefoot so as to avoid the dancing classes that the teachers regularly press-ganged the shod ones into.
Throughout this period there was a general awareness of growing political tensions across Europe. A number of men from the Dungannon area had gone to Spain to fight on both sides in the Spanish Civil War, and there was a widespread interest in unfolding events in Italy and Germany. In 1938, as the Germans were marching into the Sudetenland, an incident occurred in the Brantry that raised tensions in the area for a brief period. A bomb damaged the Gaelic Hall in Gort. and although it had been placed by an agent provocateur from the B-Specials Militia, the event was used by the Unionist Stormont government to launch a series of raids and ransackings on Catholic households in the Brantry district.
The end of the decade witnessed the building of a new Derrylatinee school. This one was considered state of the art at the time, and it boasted two classrooms and pumped running water among other amenities. Its opening coincided with the outbreak of World War II, and pupils from Derrylatinee recall having been at Mass in Eglish Chapel in early September when the priest read the news from the altar that war had been declared. A new era had begun.
Easter Greetings from Gerry McGeough
Dia dhaoibh a chairde,
A very Happy Easter to one and all and may I begin by extending special fraternal greetings from Co Tyrone in British Occupied Ireland to our American Hibernian Brethren.
I consider it a great honour to be asked to send a message of solidarity to this year’s Nassau County Easter Rising celebrations. This area of New York has been synonymous with the Irish independence struggle for many generations and reflects the importance of the Irish Diaspora, especially Irish America, in the long struggle for freedom in Ireland.
At various stages in Irish history when the weight of English misrule crushed down hard upon Ireland, the cause of Irish freedom often depended almost exclusively upon the exiled Irish and their descendants overseas. This was the case throughout the 17th and 18th centuries when the Gaelic chiefs, friars and soldiers on the European Continent plotted, supported, instigated and often took part in insurgency against the English in Ireland.
In later centuries, that role fell to the huge Irish population in the United States. It’s not necessary for me to remind you of the legacy of the Fenians, Clan na Gael and great figures like John Devoy and O’Donovan Rossa, suffice it to say that they represent the vibrant Irish-American energy and input that was crucially important to the struggle in the Irish homeland. It’s also worth mentioning that it was to the United States that countless Irish patriots came for support, sustenance and advice when planning Irish freedom.
Many of the signatories of the 1916 Proclamation had either spent time in America or were familiar with the political intricacies and workings of Irish America. Pearse had travelled along the eastern seaboard and often engaged in long discussions with influential Irish Republican stalwarts, such as my fellow Tyrone man Joseph McGarrity, in the run-up to the Rising.
Tom Clarke who hailed originally from Dungannon, close to where I live, knew the United States extremely well and it’s a source of tremendous pride for me to know that this old Fenian was one of the two key figures behind the Uprising of Easter Week 1916. The other, Seán MacDiarmada, was originally a member of the Ancient Order of Hibernians and it is said that his remarkable capacity for plotting, secrecy and intrigue was perfected through his experience with and exposure to the Byzantine inner politics of the A.O.H.
Nor can we overlook the strong Irish American influence that lay behind the Hibernian Rifles, one of the most courageous elements to fight for Irish freedom during that fateful week in central Dublin almost a century ago. Theirs is a story and legacy deserving of much greater attention by historians and Patriots.
Now, in the twenty-first century, our need for a focused, pro-Irish freedom American Diaspora is greater than ever. A United Ireland remains little more than a pipe-dream and never have I seen the fires of nationalist fervour in Ireland as low as they are today. In the twenty-six counties Patriotism in its proper sense is practically a dirty word. In the six-counties young people, even the children of former militant republicans, know virtually nothing about our rich Irish history and tradition of resistance to foreign misrule. It is, sadly, not uncommon to hear young (and not-so-young) people from nationalist/republican backgrounds refer to “here in the United Kingdom” when speaking about the North of Ireland. Incredibly, others openly talk about a place they call “Londonderry”, the ultimate blasphemy for any decent Irish man or woman.
Yet Irish patriots do remain on Irish soil and despite the threats, silence and censorship that have been imposed upon them they are becoming increasingly vocal and critical of the circumstances that allow for the continued, illegal British presence in our country.
Sooner or later these people will find a political voice and it will be to Irish America that they will look for solidarity, guidance and sympathy, just as generations of true Irish Patriots have done for centuries. Once again, mo chairde, it is your duty to close ranks and stand watch in order to insure that the home fires of the ancient Irish Nation are kept burning for future generations. May God Bless you all.
Éirinn go Brách.
Lady Hallett Report Total Whitewash
March 2015 - I noticed the House of Commons report regarding the ‘On the Runs’ is due tomorrow 3/24/15 It will be interesting to see what conclusion it reaches; bearing in mind the Hallett Report was a total whitewash.
According to journalist Liam Clarke, Sinn Fein’s Gerry Kelly and company told Hallett they repeatedly warned and advised Gerry McGeough not to travel to the north. This is a complete and utter fabrication. A total lie. This is underscored by the fact that Hallett refused to meet with Gerry McGeough or his legal team.
The fact that the Hallett Report was released in the middle of July 2014, when most people would be away on holiday and few would notice it, is a testimony to its cover up tendencies.
The reality is that Sinn Fein sacrificed Gerry McGeough for purely vindictive political reasons and allowed him to go to prison when they could easily have collapsed his case and had him freed as they did with John Downey last year.
March 2015 - SF PSNI Strategy a Fiasco
Eight years ago on March 7th, 2007 Gerry McGeough stood as an Independent Republican candidate in the Six-County Assembly elections of that year. Among other things Gerry argued that the Sinn Féin position of urging republicans to recognise, join and give information to the local British police constabulary, the ex-RUC now PSNI, was not only a massive betrayal of Irish Republican principle, but was also a half-baked naïve tactic that was poorly thought through.
Gerry's point was brutally underscored the following day when he was arrested outside the Omagh election count centre by the Sinn Féin endorsed PSNI and railroaded into Jail via the corrupt British Diplock Court system.
Back then Sinn Féin famously boasted that their leadership would "put manners on" the PSNI. This week, leading members of SF are complaining to the media that the PSNI is still an overwhelmingly unionist force that is 70% protestant and 70% male in make-up.
Bearing that in mind and with no United Ireland in sight, what exactly has Sinn Féin achieved despite all its hype, hot air and expensive razz-matazz?
Una McGeough presents a cheque on behalf of the American AOH
to Patricia Conroy of St. Joseph's Pro-Life Group Dungannon.
American Hibernians Aid Tyrone Pro-Life Group
The Ancient Order of Hibernians in the United States has pledged to help a Dungannon-based pro-life group in its struggle to keep English abortion clinics out of Tyrone.
The influential Irish-American organisation has cited the St. Joseph’s Pro-life Group as a prime example of Irish Catholics standing up for their faith and defending Catholic teaching. The A.O.H has praised the Tyrone group for showing great leadership and courage not only in the fight against abortion but also for exposing an on-going programme by a non-Catholic organisation to introduce anti-Catholic indoctrination to our school children.
Welcoming the Hibernian support a spokesperson for St. Joseph’s Pro-Life Group said that they would continue to highlight the “atrocity of abortion and oppose all attempts to have it legalised in Ireland.” The spokesperson went on to say that “as the once virulent anti-Catholicism of the Orange State slowly recedes into history, a new threat to our faith is being posed by mostly lapsed Catholics who have enthusiastically embraced militant secularism. We are not going to lie down and let these people tramp over us and kill our unborn children. We are going pro-actively stand-up to them and take them on and we are asking all Catholics to rally around the faith on these issues.”
The following article was written by Gerry McGeough as part of the anniversary celebrations for a local school - January, 2015
Derrylatinee - A Long Tradition of Learning in The Brantry
In the course of a relatively recent discussion with an academic from Trinity College Dublin on the cultural aspects of local history, an interesting observation emerged that set me thinking about the origins of formal education in the Brantry.
Amid the twists and turns of our conversation around the topic I happened to mention that in my home area of south-east Tyrone, the tradition of Kayley-ing (from the Irish ar do chéile - visiting/togetherness) was quite common well into my late teenage years and, indeed, beyond, albeit in dwindling form. Neighbours would gather in particular houses for banter, general conversation and plain old gossip. Inevitably, snippets of local history, the background to peoples’ blood ties and familial relationships to one another would arise for discussion and clarification for the next generation.
My learn-ed friend was familiar with this social activity once common across rural Ireland. His interest piqued, however, when I mentioned that from time to time older people at these events would burst into poetry, rhyming off stanza after stanza of obscure poems with remarkable clarity and memory. What struck me most about these poems was the frequent references to the classics in the form of “great Parthenon” and the like, which was particularly impressive given that those doing the reciting were people who had never received any formal education beyond the age of fourteen, if even that. Moreover, few of them were widely travelled, and most had spent the bulk of their lives close to the land and far from the “hallowed halls of erudition” that they also quoted in the course of their poetic deliveries.
The academic was genuinely impressed by this piece of information and at once informed me of its significance. He assured me that this was reflective of a very ancient tradition of learning in that particular part of the country. I was both surprised and immeasurably proud to know this, but at a loss as to how this could be the case.
Dwelling on the matter afterwards, I recognised that the scant information we have on schools in the Brantry area was hardly going to provide many clues. Beyond the old Derrylatinee School, located a few hundred yards up from the current site and in operation during the late 1800s, there was very little to go on.
Ironically, though, this old school may provide something of a link to the source of the tradition that the academic alluded to in his observations. This was the school that my grandfather, John McGeough, attended in the 1890s. His was a remarkable generation, and among those in attendance with him was an individual by the name of Joseph McVeigh, a first cousin of John’s future wife and my grandmother, Margaret Carberry.
The Joe McVeigh in question died a wealthy self-made businessman in New Jersey in the United States in 1975, having left the Brantry never to return, in the early 1920s. A great Patriot and Republican, he always maintained that England would “only be driven from Ireland at the point of a bayonet”!
His story has yet to be told, but his name has appeared from time to time in the history books and makes for fascinating reading. Heavily involved in the War of Independence and Civil War, his activities took him through an adventurous web of intrigue and danger, from the Brantry to the U.S. to Germany and back. His is a tale for another day, but suffice it to say, his personal courage and uncompromising individualism reflected traits and hallmarks not uncommon among people in the Brantry.
Among those traits was a deep love for his home area and a real pride in its history. This was all the stronger for the fact that he was reared in a house in Gort that stood on the site of the legendary Franciscan Friary of Gort Tamhlacht na Muc, overlooking Friary Lough.
It is this Friary, I contend, that has left an indelible impression and a tradition of learning upon this area. For generations people have spoken about the Friary and passed on the legends and lore associated with it.
In addition to this we have the facts. In my youth, older people always spoke reverently about “Friar O’Mallon’s Journal”, without knowing much about its content.
Today, we know it as Cín Lae Uí Mhéallain, and are more familiar with its recordings. It was written by Fr. Tarlach Ó Méallain, during the turbulent years of the 1640s, following the 1641 Rising. It is unique not only for its historical value, but also for the fact that it is penned in the now extinct East Ulster dialect of Irish. There are many references in it to the Brantry, and the original script is kept in University, College Cork.
What’s of note here is the fact that there was literacy in the Brantry at a time when few people across Europe could read or write. Moreover, the Brantry Friars were in direct contact with the great Irish Colleges on the European Continent, and letters were constantly being exchanged between them. They were also up to their necks in fomenting the rebellion, and were at the epicentre of intrigues involving the Irish soldiery in overseas exile. These latter, whose regiments figured prominently in the armies of Spain, France and Austria, were constantly planning an invasion of Ireland, to free it from English dominance and restore the old Gaelic Catholic order.
The Friars were also famous for their work among the people, and it doesn’t take a great leap of the imagination to picture local children being taught literacy skills. There were practical reasons for this, given that Tyrone Friars on the Continent had taken it upon themselves to produce Catholic religious tracts in Irish, in order to counter the effects of the Protestant Reformation among the populace at home. What good would these be if people couldn’t read them?
The tradition of learning in a remote area would have persisted over the centuries despite the Penal Era suppressions and persecutions. It would have manifested itself in oral tradition and given rise to the epic poetry recitals referred to earlier.
Whether by coincidence or design, therefore, it is wholly appropriate that Derrylatinee Primary School should be dedicated to St Francis, the Brantry Friars’ original Founder.
Friday, January 16, 2015
Blair, On The Runs And Gerry Mcgeough: Criminalising Republicanism Through The Back Door
Sean Bresnahan looks at the OTR issue. Sean Bresnahan is a Tyrone republican who frequently contributes to online discourse.
Much ado the past few days about Blair, 'On The Runs' and the peace process, but let's keep in mind that without the Troubles there would have been no OTRs to begin with. And also that some should have profited from this scheme but instead were thrown to the wolves by their own, likely deemed unworthy of inclusion by an arbitrary decision-making process that excluded potential adversaries at the behest of the Sinn Fein leadership.
Many in the Unionist community take issue that a 'deal' on OTRs was reached at all, when the truth is the scheme did not go anywhere near far enough. My issue with OTRs is not that it let anyone off the hook but that it didn't go far enough and (like everything else the leadership negotiated) we got the short end of the stick.
Like everything else it was done on Britain's terms with a carrot thrown in to keep us happy – or more accurately to keep THEM happy and to secure their position, with no threat of two years in gaol for some. The greatest leadership in history my arse. Spin that yarn to Gerry McGeough, who spent two years in Maghaberry thanks to their ineptitude. Or was it ineptitude? Perhaps something more was afoot.
The dogs in the street know McGeough was shafted to put him out of the picture politically, while Michelle Gildernew, the Adamsite darling, could only be the better-positioned for it. God forbid an independent-minded voice within the republican movement. A calculated political move which raises its own set of questions regarding the relationship of the leadership to the state and a disgrace from start to finish – from the original selection convention in June 2000 to the carting away in the back of a police car at the count in Omagh nearly seven years later. I’d venture the two are connected at some point, if only in terms of the agenda being served.
That aside, the reasoning in McGeough being gaoled is it sets his actions as an IRA Volunteer inside the paradigm of an acceptable British law. In this narrative McGeough is breaking the law and being suitably punished whereas state agents, like his direct opponent, are elevated to a higher moral plateau – as are the mechanisms used to ensure a conviction. That OTRs pose a threat to this narrative is the source of the recent hullabaloo.
The key aim of the British is to frame the conflict as a criminal undertaking and the arrest, political show-trial and unsafe 'conviction' of those like Gerry McGeough is part of its strategy. Many, out of blind loyalty to the leadership and its pathetic negotiating abilities, are sadly content to go along with that, regardless of how it impacts on the legitimacy of men like Pete Ryan, Jim Lynagh, Martin McCaughey and their actions.
This approach would see such men happily subjected to British Diplock Courts today, if they'd somehow managed to escape the death-trap set for them, went on the run and returned home years later thinking it was safe to do so – absent of course that all important letter, which some were deemed worthy of and others not. Would Jim and Pete have been deemed worthy? Would Martin? Who knows but who would trust it.
Some would have it they should just be grateful no matter, sure what’s two years away from your family and loved one’s anyway. That's the pitiful notion those like Sinn Fein Councillor Michael McIvor promote when publicly claiming McGeough done alright and should be thankful for his lot – whether they see it or not.
Constitutional issues aside, the 1998 Agreement was poorly negotiated around such issues as prisoner-releases and conflict-related 'offences'. It created a situation whereby it was acceptable practice for a British Diplock Court to try and convict this man, and others such as Scotchy Kearney, using all the various legal manipulations and lowering of the standards of 'law' long employed against and objected to by republicans.
That some now accept the legitimacy of these legal processes is a victory for Britain and a shafting of the IRA Volunteers who stood up against and called such reactionary 'laws' for what they were and are – repression. That ‘letters of comfort’ are set to be withdrawn while the republican leadership continues to sit in Stormont is just the broom-handle being rammed up their backsides all the harder.
Under the British-imposed narrative, in which republicans now acquiesce, the state had a right to prosecute its violence whereas republicans had none – not even to defend themselves and their community. The evidence around Bloody Sunday, collusion in the murder of Pat Finucane and the refusal to grant inquests into a plethora of state killings speaks for itself, the British justice system is designed to protect its own and set them apart from 'terrorists' like Gerry McGeough, who are to be gaoled while the state and its agents walk free.
Those who consider the underhand mechanisms employed to stick McGeough and his like behind bars as acceptable fare, and anything other than the product of inept negotiating at best, the deliberate removal of a political foe at worst, are either fooling themselves or are that far removed from the republican struggle they no longer care about the broader picture.
What amounts to the effective collapse of the OTR scheme, at the behest of political Unionism, serves the same end for Britain as the gaoling of McGeough and Kearney, to show republicans their place within the British law, which can be altered and employed against them at will, if and when required. The only difference on this occasion is that ordinary Volunteers were not alone in being shafted, this time the leadership was shown its place in the order of things too.
New Year's Greetings from Gerry McGeough
Here's wishing you all a very Happy and Prosperous New Year! The past year, 2014, was of course the one during which the British were supposed to have left Ireland. At least that was the on record promise made some time ago by a leading Sinn Féin figure. Oh well, ho-hum!
Now we must bide our time until 2016 when an even more prominent Sinn Féin figure has publicly promised a British withdrawal from the Six Counties. While one is prepared to give the benefit of the doubt in all instances, it's probably true to say that very few people seriously believe that the British State will begin to vacate its forces from Ireland in about twelve months from now.
The real wonder is that supposedly astute politicians would tie themselves to such definite dates in the first place. Sooner or later all those who have placed their faith in these individuals will be disappointed by them.
Sinn Féin leaders come and go of course, albeit at a glacial pace, and the fate of the Irish Nation is far more important than the ambitions of individual egotists.
It is to be hoped that 2015 will mark the beginning of a serious debate that will end the cult of leadership and the curse of factionalism within the wider Irish Republican family.
The cause of Irish freedom remains a noble one and Irish Republicans are a formidable people, forged in the fiery tradition of true Patriotism. Unity is strength. Let's work towards it in 2015.
Éirinn go Brach!
Christmas Greetings from Gerry McGeough and Family
Nollaig Shona Daoibh! We wish the very warmest of Christmas greetings to all our friends throughout Ireland, the United States and beyond.
At this time of year we thank God for the gift of true friendship and acknowledge that we have been blessed to have known so many good and decent people who have stood by us through thick and thin. May God bestow bountiful blessings upon you all.
During this season I have been reflecting on the historical fact that Ireland and the Irish are never stronger than when they totally embrace Christianity, which lies at the very root of our ancient culture and national identity. This Faith we must never abandon.